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Testimony of General
William Eaton (8/17/1807)
Mr. Hay proceeded to the examination
of the evidence on the part of the United States General William
Eaton was sworn....General William Eaton was then called to give his evidence.
He inquired whether he might be permitted to have a recurrence to his notes....THE
COURT decided that they were not admissible.
Mr Eaton May I ask one further
indulgence from the court? I have been long before the public.
Much stricture and some severity have passed upon me May I, in stating
my evidence, be permitted to make some explanation about the motives of
my own conduct?
The CHIEF JUSTICE -- Perhaps it would
be more correct for the court to decide upon the propriety of the explanation
when the particular case occurs. Some cases may require it; and if
any objection be made to your explanation, then the court will decide upon
it.
Mr Eaton Concerning an overt
act which goes to prove Aaron Burr guilty of treason, I know nothing
Mr Hay -- I wish you to state to the
court and jury the different conversations you have had with the prisoner.
Mr Eaton Concerning certain transactions
which are said to have happened at Blennerhassett's Island, or any agency
which Aaron Burr may be supposed to have had in them, I know nothing.
But concerning Colonel Burr's expressions of treasonable intentions I know
much, and it is to these that my evidence relates.
Mr Martin -- I know not how far the
court's opinion extends
The CHIEF JUSTICE -- It is this: that
any proof of intention formed before the act itself, if relevant to the
act, may be admitted One witness may prove the intention at one time,
and another may prove it at another, so as to prove the continuance of
the intention throughout the whole transaction, and therefore the proof
of very remote intentions may be relevant to this particular act.
Mr Martin -- I trust that when he speaks
of a treasonable intention not applicable to this act the court will stop
him.
Mr Wickham -- If I understand the opinion
of the court correctly, it relates to treason charged to be committed in
Virginia, and evidence of acts out of it is inadmissible.
The CHIEF JUSTICE -- The intention
to commit this crime, to erect an empire in the West, and seize New Orleans,
may be shown by subsequent events to have been continued; and facts out
of the district may be proved, after the overt act, as corroborative testimony.
Mr Eaton-- During the winter of 1805-6,
(I cannot be positive as to the distinct point of time, yet during that
winter,) at the city of Washington, Aaron Burr signified to me that he
was organizing a military expedition to be moved against the Spanish provinces
on the southwestern frontiers of the United States; I understood under
the authority of the general government. From our existing controversies
with Spain, and from the tenor of the president's communications to both
houses of congress, a conclusion was naturally drawn that war with that
power was inevitable. I had just then returned from the coast of
Africa, and having been for many years employed on your frontier, or a
coast more barbarous and obscure, I was ignorant of the estimation in which
Colonel Burr was held by his country. The distinguished rank he held in
society, and the strong marks of confidence which he had received from
his fellow citizens, did not permit me to doubt of his patriotism.
As a military character, I had been made acquainted with none within the
United States under whose direction a soldier might with greater security
confide his honor than Colonel Burr. In case of my country's being
involved in a war, I should have thought it my duty to obey so honorable
a call as was proposed to me. Under impressions like these I did
engage to embark myself in the enterprise, and pledged myself to Colonel
Burr's confidence. At several interviews in appeared to be his intention
to convince me, by maps and other documents, of the feasibility of penetrating
to Mexico. At length, from certain indistinct expressions and innuendoes,
I admitted a suspicion that Colonel Burr had other projects. He used strong
expressions of reproach against the administration of the government; accused
them of want of character, want of energy, and want of gratitude.
He seemed desirous of irritating my resentment by dilating on certain injurious
strictures I had received on the floor of congress on account of certain
transactions on the coast of Tripoli, and also on the delays in adjusting
my accounts for advances of money on account of the United States, and
talked of pointing out to me modes of honorable indemnity. I will
not conceal here that Colonel Burr had good reasons for supposing me disaffected
towards the government; I had indeed suffered much from delays in adjusting
my accounts for cash advanced to the government whilst I was consul at
Tunis, and for the expense of supporting the war with Tripoli. I
had but a short time before been compelled ingloriously to strike the flag
of my country on the ramparts of a defeated enemy, where it had flown for
forty-five days. I had been compelled to abandon my comrades
in war on the fields, where they had fought our battles. I had seen
cash offered to the half-vanquished chief of Tripoli, (as he had himself
acknowledged,) as the consideration of pacification.
Mr Wickham -- By whom?
Eaton-- By our negotiator, when as
yet no exertion had been made by our naval squadron to coerce that enemy.
I had seen the conduct of the author of these blemishes on our then proud
national character, if not commended -- not censured; whilst my own inadequate
efforts to support that character were attempted to be thrown into shade.
To feelings naturally arising out of circumstances like these, I did give
strong expression. Here I beg leave to observe, in justice to myself, that
however strong those expressions, however harsh the language I employed,
they would not justify the inference that I was preparing to dip my sabre
in the blood of my countrymen, much less of their children, which I believe
would have been the case had this conspiracy been carried into effect.
Mr Martin objected to this language
Eaton--I listened to Colonel Burr's
mode of indemnity; and as I had by this time begun to suspect that the
military expedition he had on foot was unlawful, I permitted him to believe
myself resigned to his influence that I might understand the extent and
motive of his arrangements. Colonel Burr now laid open his project
of revolutionizing the territory west of the Allegany, establishing an
independent empire there; New Orleans to be the capital, and he himself
to be the chief; organizing a military force on the waters of the Mississippi,
and carrying conquest to Mexico. After much conversation which I
do not particularly recollect respecting the feasibility of the project,
as was natural, I stated impediments to his operations; such as the republican
habits of the citizens of that country, their attachment to the present
administration of the government, the want of funds, the opposition he
would experience from the regular army of the United States stationed on
that frontier, and the resistance to be expected from Miranda, in case
he should succeed in republicanizing the Mexicans. Colonel Burr appeared
to have no difficulty in removing these obstacles. He stated to me
that he had in person, (I think the preceding season,) made a tour through
that country, that he had secured to his interests and attached to his
person, (I do not recollect the exact expression, but the meaning, and
I believe the words were,) the most distinguished citizens of Tennessee,
Kentucky, and the territory of Orleans; that he had inexhaustible resources
and funds; that the army of the United States would act with him; that
it would be reinforced by ten or twelve thousand men from the above mentioned
states and territory; that he had powerful agents in the Spanish territory,
and "as for Miranda," said Mr Burr, facetiously, "we must hang Miranda."
In the course of several conversations on this subject, he proposed to
give me a distinguished command in his army; I understood him to say the
second command. I asked him who would command in chief. He
said, General Wilkinson.
I observed that it was singular he should
count upon General Wilkinson; the distinguished command and high trust
he held under government, as the commander-in-chief of our army, and as
governor of a province, he would not be apt to put at hazard for any prospect
of precarious aggrandizement. Colonel Burr stated that General Wilkinson
balanced in the confidence of his country; that it was doubtful whether
he would much longer retain the distinction and confidence he now enjoyed;
and that he was prepared to secure to himself a permanency. I asked
Colonel Burr if he knew General Wilkinson. He said, yes; and echoed
the question. I told him that twelve years ago I was at the same
time a captain in the wing of the legion of the United States which General
Wilkinson commanded, his acting brigade-major, and aide-de-camp, and that
I thought I knew him well. He asked me what I knew of General Wilkinson?
I said I knew General Wilkinson would act as lieutenant to no man in existence.
"You are in an error" said Mr Burr, "Wilkinson will act as lieutenant to
me." From the tenor of much conversation on this subject, I was prevailed
on to believe that the plan of revolution meditated by Colonel Burr, and
communicated to me, had been concerted with General Wilkinson, and would
have his co-operation; for Colonel Burr repeatedly and very confidently
expressed his belief that the influence of General Wilkinson with his army,
the promise of double pay and rations, the ambition of his officers, and
the prospect of plunder and military achievements, would bring the army
generally into the measure.
Mr Hay -- You allude to a revolution
for overthrowing the government at Washington, and of revolutionizing the
Eastern states.
Eaton-- I was passing over that, to
come down to the period when I supposed he had relinquished that design,
and adhered to the project of revolutionizing the West.
Mr Wickham -- What project do you mean?
Eaton-- A central general revolution
I was thoroughly convinced myself that such a project was already so far
organized as to be dangerous, and that it would require an effort to suppress
it. For in addition to positive assurances that Colonel Burr
had of assistance and co-operation, he said that the vast extent of territory
of the United States west of the Allegany Mountains, which offered to adventurers,
with a view on the mines of Mexico, would bring volunteers to his standard
from all quarters of the Union. The situation which these communications,
and the impressions they made upon me, placed me in, was peculiarly delicate.
I had no overt act to produce against Colonel Burr. He had given
me nothing upon paper; nor did I know of any person in the vicinity who
had received similar communications, and whose testimony might support
mine. He had mentioned to me no person as principally and decidedly
engaged with him but General Wilkinson; a Mr Alston, who, I afterwards
learned, was his son-in-law; and a Mr Ephraim Kibby, who, I learnt, was
late a captain of rangers in Wayne's army. Of General Wilkinson,
Burr said much, as I have stated; of Mr Alston, very little, but enough
to satisfy me that he was engaged in the project; and of Kibby, he said
that he was brigade-major in the vicinity of Cincinnati, (whether Cincinnati
in Ohio or in Kentucky I know not,) who had much influence with the militia,
and had already engaged the majority of the brigade to which he belonged,
who were ready to march at Mr Burr's signal. Mr Burr talked of this
revolution as a matter of right, inherent in the people, and constitutional;
a revolution which would rather be advantageous than detrimental to the
Atlantic states; a revolution which must eventually take place, and for
the operation of which the present crisis was peculiarly favorable.
He said there was no energy to be dreaded in the general government, and
his conversations denoted a confidence that his arrangements were so well
made that he should meet with no opposition at New Orleans, for the
army and chief citizens of that place were now ready to receive him.
On the solitary ground upon which I stood, I was at a loss how to conduct
myself, though at no loss as respected my duty. I durst not place
my lonely testimony in the balance against the weight of Colonel Burr's
character, for by turning the tables upon me, which I thought any man,
capable of such a project, was very capable of doing, I should sink under
the weight. I resolved therefore with myself to obtain the removal
of Mr Burr from this country, in a way honorable to him; and on this I
did consult him, without his knowing my motive. Accordingly I waited on
the president of the United States, and after a desultory conversation
in which I aimed to draw his view to the westward, I took the liberty of
suggesting to the president that I thought Colonel Burr ought to be removed
from the country because I considered him dangerous in it.
The president asked where we should send him? Other places might
have been mentioned, but I believe that Paris, London and Madrid were the
places which were particularly named. The president, without positive
expression, (in such a matter of delicacy,) signified that the trust was
too important, and expressed something like a doubt about the integrity
of Mr Burr. I frankly told the president that perhaps no person
had stronger grounds to suspect that integrity than I had; but that I believed
his pride of ambition had so predominated over his other passions, that
when placed on an eminence, and put on his honor, a respect to himself
would secure his fidelity. I perceived that the subject was
disagreeable to the president, and to bring him to my point in the shortest
mode, and at the same time point to the danger, I said to him that I expected
that we should in eighteen months have an insurrection, if not a revolution,
on the waters of he Mississippi. The president said he had too much
confidence in the information, the integrity, and attachment to the Union
of the citizens of that country, to admit any apprehensions of that kind.
The circumstance of no interrogatories being made to me I thought imposed
silence upon me at that time and place. Here, sir, I beg indulgence
to declare my motive for recommending that gentleman to a foreign mission
at that time; and in the solemnity with which I stand here, I declare that
Colonel Burr was neutral in my feelings; that it was through no attachment
to him that I made that suggestion, but to avert a great national calamity
which I saw approaching; to arrest a tempest which seemed lowering in the
West, and to divert into a channel of usefulness those consummate talents
which were to mount "the whirlwind and direct the storm." These, and these
only, were my reasons for making that recommendation. About the time
of my having waited on the president, or a little before, (I cannot, however,
be positive whether before or after,) I determined at all events to have
some evidence of the integrity of my intentions, and to fortify myself
by the advice of two gentlemen, members of the house of representatives,
whose friendship and confidence I had the honor long to retain, and in
whose wisdom and integrity I had the utmost faith and reliance. I
am at liberty to give their names if required. I do not distinctly
recollect, but I believe that I had a
conversation with a senator on the subject.
I developed to them all Mr Burr's plans. They
did not seem much alarmed.
Mr Martin objected to the witness stating
any of the observations of other persons to himself.
After some desultory conversation between
the counsel on both sides, the CHIEF JUSTICE said that though more
time was wasted by stopping the witness than by letting him tell his story
in his own way, yet if it were required he must be stopped when he gave
improper testimony. He then told the witness, "You are at liberty
to vindicate yourself, but declarations of other gentlemen are not to be
mentioned, because that certainly would be improper."
Mr Eaton -- I did ask indulgence of
the court to make such explanations, because perversions of my conduct
were before the public. But I waive this indulgence, contented with
meeting these perversions at some other time and place
The CHIEF JUSTICE -- You have used
that indulgence
Mr Eaton -- Little more passed between
Colonel Burr and myself relevant to this inquiry while I remained at Washington.
Though I could perceive symptoms of distrust in him towards me, he was
solicitous to engage me in his western plans. I returned to Massachusetts,
to my own concerns, and thought no more of Colonel Burr, or his projects,
or revolutions, until in October last a letter was put into my hands at
Brumfield, from Mr Belknap, of Marietta, to T E Danielson, of Brumfield,
stating that Mr Burr had contracted for boats, which were building on the
Ohio.
Mr Burr -- Have you that letter?
Mr Eaton -- No.
Mr Burr -- It is improper, then, to
state it.
Mr Eaton -- As to letters, I have had
no correspondence with Colonel Burr. I was about to state that I
had made a communication, through Mr Granger, to the president of the United
States, stating the views of Colonel Burr, and a copy of the letter from
Belknap was transmitted to the department of state.
Mr Wirt -- Was there any conversation
between you and the prisoner in which you spoke of the odium attached to
the name of usurper?
Mr Eaton -- That conversation was excluded
by the opinion of the court, as relating to the central project.
Mr Hay -- Did you mean to state that
the honorable indemnity proposed to you by the prisoner was to be included
in this plan?
Mr Eaton -- I understood it to be included
in the perpetual rank and emolument to be assigned me. In his conversations
he declared that he should erect a permanent government, of which
he was to be the chief, and he repeated it so often that I could not have
misunderstood him.
Cross-questioned:
Mr Martin -- Do you recollect when
you arrived in Washington?
Mr Eaton -- I said that I did not recollect
particularly. But the principal part of these conversations must
have been between the middle of February and the latter end of March, 1806.
I arrived here in the latter end on November, 1805, at Philadelphia, and
in December went to New England, and afterwards returned. These conversations
happened after my return.
Mr. Martin-- Do you recollect any particular
conduct of yours calculated to put an end to
Colonel Burr's importunities?
Eaton-- Yes. At some of our last
interviews I laid on his table a paper containing the toast which I had
given to the public, with an intention that he should see it, but I do
not know that he did see it, but I believe it "The United States:
Palsy to the brain that should plot to dismember and leprosy to the hand
that will not draw to defend our Union."
Mr. Martin--Where was that toast drunk?
Eaton-- I cannot say. This question
was made to me from authority. It was sent, with other toasts I had
corrected, to a paper at Springfield. I laid this paper on Colonel
Burr's table.
Mr Burr -- Do you recollect when you
left Washington?
Eaton--About the 5th or 6th of April....
Mr Burr-- You spoke of accounts with
the government. Did you or the government demand money?
Eaton-- They had no demand on me.
I demanded money of them.
Mr Burr-- Did they state in account
a balance against you?
Eaton-- I expended money for the service
of the United States when employed as consul at Tunis, an account of which
being presented to the accounting officers of the treasury, they, I was
told, had no legal discretion to settle it. As there was no law to
authorize this adjustment, I did refer to the congress of 1803-4.
A committee had reported on my claims, favorably, as I supposed.
Then my accounts were left. When I went, however, to the coast of
Barbary, and when I returned, after eighteen months, I renewed my claim
to the congress. I found that new difficulties had occurred to prevent
an adjustment. Leaving out the sums I had advanced, the government
had a considerable balance against me....
Mr Martin -- Did not Colonel Burr confine
his plans to attack the Spanish provinces, for the most considerable part
of the time, to the event of a war with Spain?
Eaton-- Not for the most considerable
part of the time, but for some time....
Mr Martin -- What balance did you receive?
Eaton-- That is my concern, sir.
Mr Burr -- What was the balance against
you?
Mr Eaton (to the court) -- Is that
a proper question?
Mr Burr -- My object is manifest; I
wish to show the bias which has existed on the mind of the witness.
The CHIEF JUSTICE saw no objections
to the question.
Mr Eaton-- I cannot say to a
cent or a dollar, but I have received about 10,000 dollars.
Mr Burr -- When was the money received?
Eaton-- About March last.
Mr Burr-- You mentioned Miranda.
Where did you understand he was gone to?
Eaton-- On the benevolent project of
revolutionizing the Spanish provinces.
Mr Burr-- What part of them?
Eaton-- Caracas. I had some reason,
too, to know something of that project, because I too was invited to join
in that. He, too, was to have been an emperor; he might have been
troublesome to us; and of course when I asked you what was to be done with
him, you observed, "hang him."
Mr Burr-- Did you understand that I
was to do all at once, to execute the central project
too as well as that in the West?
Eaton-- I have no objection to answering
that, but it will be nothing in your favor. When Colonel Burr was
speaking of a central revolution, not much was said about his revolution
in the West. Had the other been effected I doubt much whether you
would have been willing to have separated that part.
Mr Burr-- You spoke of a command?
Eaton-- You stated what I have already
mentioned, that you were assured, from the arrangements which you had made,
that an army would be ready to appear when you went to the waters of the
western country. I recollect particularly the name of Ephraim Kibby,
who had been a ranger in General Wayne's army. You asked me about
his spirit. You gave me to understand that his brigade was ready
to join you, and that the people also in that country were ready to engage
with you in the enterprise. You spoke of your riflemen, your infantry,
your cavalry. It was with the same view you mentioned to me that
that man (pointing to General Wilkinson, just behind him) was to have been
the first to aid you, and from the same views you have perhaps mentioned
me.
Mr Martin objected to the witness interposing
his own opinions in this manner.
Mr Hay -- Some allowance is to be made
for the feelings of a man of honor.
Mr Eaton, bowing, apologized to the
court for the warmth of his manner.
Mr Burr -- You spoke of my revolutionizing
the western states. How did you understand that the Union was to
be separated?
Eaton--Your principal line was to be
drawn by the Alleghany mountains. You were persuaded that you had
secured to you the most considerable citizens of Kentucky and Tennessee,
but expressed some doubts about Ohio; I well recollect that on account
of the reason which you gave: that they were too much of a plodding, industrious
people to engage in your enterprise.
Mr Burr-- How was the business to be
effected?
Eaton-- I understood that your agents
were in the western country; that the army and the commander-in-chief were
ready to act at your signal; and that these, with the adventurers that
would join you, would compel the states to agree to a separation.
Indeed, you seemed to consider New Orleans as already yours, and that from
this point you would send expeditions into the other provinces, make conquests,
and consolidate your empire.
Mr Burr--Was it after all this that
you recommended me to the president for an embassy?
Eaton--Yes; to remove you, as you were
a dangerous man, because I thought it the only way to avert a civil war.
Mr Burr-- Did you communicate this
to me, and what did I say?
Eaton-- Yes; you seemed to assent to
the propositions.
Mr Burr-- What had become of your command?
Eaton-- That I had disposed of myself.
Mr Burr-- Did you understand that you
had given me a definite answer?
Eaton--No; after you had developed
yourself, I determined to use you until I got everything out of you; and
on the principle that, "when innocence is in danger, to break faith with
a bad man is not fraud, but virtue."
Mr Burr--Did you think that your proposition,
as to a foreign embassy, which was so incompatible with my own plans, would
be received by me with indifference had I abandoned the project?
Eaton-- You seemed to me to want some
distinguished place; as to the mode, you were indifferent; and you seemed
to acquiesce in the plan of a foreign embassy.
Mr Hay -- You said that you received
about $10,000 from the government in consequence of a law passed for the
purpose. The act of congress did not give you a definitive sum?
Eaton--The act of congress gave the
accounting officers the power of settling with me on equitable principles
under the inspection of the secretary of state; under whose department
I had served, and the settlement was accordingly made.
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