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STANDING Standing doctrine confuses both lower courts and litigants, because the Court manipulates the doctrine to serve other objectives. When the Court wants to reach the merits of a case, the standing doctrine is often relaxed. Conversely, when the Court wishes to avoid deciding the merits of a case--or perhaps, when it wants to shut a whole category of cases out of court--, the requirements for standing are tightened. The standing doctrine consists both of constitutionally-derived rules and judicially-created gatekeeping ("prudential") rules. The Court has found Article III to require that plaintiffs demonstrate injury-in-fact, that the injury in question is fairly traceable to the defendant's challenged action, and that the injury is one that could be redressed by a favorable decision. Standing has been an issue when taxpayers have challenged expenditures of general tax revenues. In 1923, in Frothingham v Mellon, the Court announced that a taxpayer's mere ideological opposition to an alleged illegal expenditure of federal tax revenue failed to provide a sufficient basis for standing. In Flast v Cohen (1968), however, the Court found that Florene Flast had standing as a taxpayer to challenge as a unconstitutional exercise of the taxing and spending power the use of federal dollars to pay for instructional materials in religious schools. The Court saw a critical to taxpayer standing that the plaintiff allege a specific constitutional limitation--in this case, the Establishment Clause--on the spending power had been violated. In a twist added in the 1982 case of Valley Forge Christian College v Americans United for Separation of Church and State, the Court concluded--in a case involving a donation of federal property to a religious college--that taxpayers lacked standing to challenge an Establishment Clause violation when Congress was exercising its power under the Property Clause rather than the Spending Clause. ![]() Entrance to Valley Forge Christian College Environmental suits have produced several important decisions in the area of standing law. In Sierra Club v Morton (1972), the Court declared that an environmental organization would have standing to challenge development in the Mineral King Valley of California, on land owned by the National Forest Service and National Park Service, if it could show that its members were likely to suffer an aesthetic injury were the development to go forward. The next year, in U. S. v SCRAP, the Court found that five law students who formed a small environmental group had standing to challenge a decision of the Interstate Commerce Commission allowing a 2.5% increase in rail freight rates. The Court accepted SCRAP's argument that they were likely to be injured if the rate increase went into effect because the increase would disproportionately affect recycled goods-- and if fewer goods were recycled, the group would be more likely to encounter litter on its hikes around the Washington, D. C. area. In the important case of Lujan v Defenders of Wildlife (1992), the law relating to environmental standing sharply departed from the relaxed approach taken in the two earlier cases. The case involved a national environmental organization's challenge to a Dep't of Interior rule declaring that federal agencies had no duty to consult with DOI about the impact their projects in foreign countries might have on endangered populations of animals. The Court found the organization lacked standing even though the complaint asserted that members planned to visit certain foreign countries where they hoped to see endangered species threatened by projects receiving federal assistance ("too speculative" an injury, according to the Court), or visit zoos where these animals might be less likely in the future to be found ("beyond all reason," said the Court). The Court also rejected standing based on a citizen suit provision in the Endangered Species Act. Finally, four members of the Court agreed that even if the plaintiffs could have met the injury-in-fact test, standing would still not exist because the alleged injury might not be preventable by relief granted if the court ruled in the defendant's favor. ![]() Mineral King Valley, where planned development was challenged by the Sierra Club. Three standing
cases in the readings show how difficult standing might be to establish
in an era of tightened standing rules. In Warth v Seldin
(1975),
the Court threw out a suit brought by persons challenging exclusionary
zoning ordinances of a wealthy suburb of Rochester, New York. The
Court said the plaintiffs failed to identify a specific project that
would have been built but for the allegedly unconstitutional
ordinances.
Other alleged basis for standing were rejected on grounds of an
insufficient
showing of causation or lack of redressibility. In City of Los
Angeles
v Lyons (1983), the Court dismisses a suit for injunctive relief
brought
by a Los Angeles motorist who had been rendered unconscious by what he
alleged was the LAPD's unconstitutional employment of a chokehold as a
method of subduing suspects. The Court said that while Lyons
undoubtedly
had standing to sue for damages, a suit for injunctive relief required
him to show there was a real and immediate threat of him being
subjected
to another chokehold--something the Court said he could not do.
Finally,
in Allen v Wright (1984), the Court found that plaintiffs
challenging
tax exempt status for racially discriminatory private schools failed to
show that the injuries they alleged were "fairly traceable" to the
defendant's
(the I.R.S's) illegal action (granting of tax-exempt status). The Court
announced two major standing decisions in 2007, both decided by 5 to 4
votes. In Massachusetts v
Environmental Protection Agency, the Court found that the state
of Massachusetts had standing to challenge the EPA's refusal to
regulate carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. The Court
said that states are entitled to special consideration when it comes to
standing issues, and thus found the state's alleged injury to its
citizens and its natural resources caused by the failure of the agency
to limit greenhouse emissions a sufficient basis for standing. Rising
sea levels along the state's coast, potentially caused by the EPA's
failure to regulate greenhouse gases, were viewed as being an actual or
imminent injury sufficient to establish standing. The Court observed
that "the harms associated with climate change are serious and well
recognized." In Hein v Freedom From
Religion
Foundation, however, the Court adopted a new, more restrictive
view of taxpayer standing. The Court concluded that Freedom from
Religion Foundation lacked standing to challenge a White House program
on faith-based initiatives. Taxpayer standing, the Court
said, reached only congressionally-funded programs, not Executive
Branch initiatives such as one that helps religious charities win
federal grants. INDEPENDENT & ADEQUATE STATE GROUNDS MOOTNESS
RIPENESS/ADVERSENESS Four years before the Court struck down a Connecticut law banning the sale, dissemination, and use of contraceptive devices in the landmark case of Griswold v Connecticut, the Court considered a declaratory judgment action seeking to enjoin future enforcement of the law on the grounds that it violated the Constitution (Poe v Ullman (1961)). On a 5 to 4 vote, the Court dismissed the action for lack of a case or controversy. The Court noted that no prosecution under the challenged law was pending, that only one prosecution had ever been brought under the law, and that contraceptives were openly sold in Connecticut drugstores. Writing for the Court, Justice Frankfurter concluded that the plaintiffs failed to show the real threat of prosecution necessary to have their case heard. Frankfurter declared, "This Court cannot be umpire to debates concerning harmless, empty shadows." Four dissenters took strong issue with the Court's dismissal of the case. Dissenting Justice John Harlan concluded the suit was neither collusive nor too abstract for resolution, and that the threat of prosecution under the law was real. In Epperson
v Arkansas
(1968), the Court reached the merits of a declaratory judgment action
brought
by an Arkansas biology teacher challenging a state law authorizing
prosecution
of persons teaching the theory of evolution in public schools.
Even
though there had been no recent prosecutions under the law and the
likelihood
of a prosecution against Epperson seemed remote, the Court said the
case--unlike
Poe v Ullman--presented no "double contingency." Cases are
appropriately
dismissed, according to the Epperson Court, only when the Court
is unsure the state will prosecute AND, if it chooses to prosecute,
whether
it will choose to prosecute someone in the position of the
plaintiff.
Here, the Court said, if Arkansas brought a prosecution under its
anti-evolution
law, it would be brought against someone like Epperson.
A political question?
The Texas reapportionment scheme devised in 2003 to eliminate Democratic members of Congress. (Austin Chronicle). Link to close up of central Texas (boxed portion of map). In 2006, the Supreme Court, in League of Latin American Citizens v Perry, revisited the issue of the legality of Tom DeLay's plan for reapportioning Texas. The Court remained unconvinced that a meaningful standard for judging partisan gerrymandering existed--thus seemingly giving the greenlight to partisan map-drawing whenever one party controls both state houses and the governorship. The Court did, however, find that one of the redrawn districts discriminated against Latino voters in violation of the Voting Rights Act and ordered that district lines be redrawn to restore Latino voting power to its pre-existing state. |
Cases
Independent
& Adequate Stand Grounds Mootness Ripeness Political
Questions
Doctrine POLITICAL QUESTION DOCTRINE In Baker v Carr (1962), the Court concluded that the political question doctrine did not bar courts from reaching the merits of a challenge brought against Tennessee's system of apportioning its state legislature. Although the case was "political" in the sense that it was about politics, and there were questions about how courts might grant relief if Tennessee's apportionment scheme was declared unconstitutional, the Court saw neither as reasons for invocation of the political question doctrine. In Powell v McCormack (1969), the Court also rejected an argument that the case ought to be dismissed as presenting a political question. The Court concluded, in a case involving the refusal of the House of Representatives to seat Adam Clayton Powell, that the decision to exclude members was not textually committed to the House--with the exception of criteria identified in Article I, Section 5 relating to age, citizenship, and state residency. Since the refusal to seat Powell was based on a determination that Powell had acted unethically prior to his election, the Court found the exclusion not authorized by Article I and ordered Powell's seating.
In Nixon
v
United States (`1993), the Court found a textual commitment to the
Senate of the manner in which it might "try" a federal officer for
impeachment.
Judge Walter Nixon, convicted in an impeachment proceeding for
accepting
a bribe, argued that the Senate proceeding violated the Constitution
because
under Senate impeachment rules he was allowed to bring certain evidence
only before a Senate Committee, not the full Senate. The Court
refused
to interpret the word "try," concluding that the framers reserved that
question for the Senate itself to answer. Finally, in Vieth v
Jubelirer (2004)
considered whether cases involving claims of partisan gerrymandering
are constitutional. The Court divided 4-1-4 in Vieth on the issue of whether
judicially manageable standards existed that could be used to decide
such cases. Four justices saw claims of partisan gerrymandering
as presenting a non-justiciable political question, four justices
believed that standards existed or could be developed to decide such
cases, and one justice (Kennedy) stood in the middle, writing a
concurring opinion that suggested he had doubts about the ability of
the Court to develop judicially-manageable standards, but was unwilling
to rule out the possibility completely. (Interestingly, Kennedy
hinted that gross cases of partisan gerrymandering might violate
the First Amendment, not the Equal Protection Clause, as most other
justices see as the better basis for challenging such laws.) Kennedy
presumably voted with the majority in a subsequent case challenging a
reapportionment scheme in Texas pushed by Republican House Majority
Leader Tom DeLay, designed to eliminate as many as possible House
Democrats from Texas. The Court ordered the case sent back to the
lower courts to determine whether the Texas reapportionment plan
violated the Constitution.
Questions 2. Is a "controversy" different than a "case"--or just a type of case (i.e., criminal "cases" and civil "controversies")? 3. If a party is willing to spend the time and money necessary to litigate, why can't we assume that they must be--in some way they find significant--injured by the law or action that they challenge? 4. If you were charged with drafting a state constitution, would you limit the state judicial power in the same ways that Article III has been interpreted to limit federal judicial power? 5. Do you agree that the evidence shows that the Court has frequently manipulated standing doctrine to serve other objectives? 6. Why would you expect "conservative" judges to generally favor stricter standing rules than those supported by "liberal" judges? 7. Do you agree that as a general rule taxpayers should not have standing to challenge what they contend is an illegal expenditure of their federal tax dollars? 8. Is the general rule against taxpayer standing based on Article III considerations or prudential considerations (or both)? 9. If a shareholder of even one share of a corporation has standing to challenge actions of a corporation's board, why shouldn't taxpayers (as "shareholders of the government") have standing? 10. Should Flast have overruled Frothingham? 11. Why did attorneys for the Sierra Club fail to allege a more specific injury to their members, rather than just the organizational concern about the proposed development in Mineral King Valley? Did the attorney's decision jeopardize the Sierra Club's case? What should the Sierra Club allege in an amended complaint? 12. Overall, is Sierra Club v Morton a good or a bad decision from the standpoint of environmentalists? Why? 13. What do you think of Justice Douglas's proposal in Sierra Club to give standing to trees, waterfalls, and other inanimate objects? 14. Which is more remote and speculative, the injury found sufficient to establish standing in SCRAP or the injury found insufficient to establish standing in Lujan? 15. If Defender of Wildlife members had actually purchased airline tickets to travel to areas threatened by proposed AID projects, would the Court have found standing in Lujan? Would the tickets have to be non-refundable? 16. If the plaintiffs in Valley Forge would have standing under Flast to challenge a federal grant of $577,000 in cash to a private religious college, does it make sense that they lack standing to challenge the federal government's donation of a $577,000 piece of property to a religious college? Could anything of constitutional significance turn on this distinction? 17. Given the Court's analysis in Warth v Seldin, what plaintiff would have standing to challenge the constitutionality of exclusionary zoning practices? Do you agree that low and moderate income people who want to live in Penfield but can't find affordable housing would seem to be the most appropriate parties to bring such a suit? Do you agree with Justice Brennan's description of the Court's requirement that plaintiffs be able to point to a specific project that would have met their needs but for the ordinances is "a Catch-22"? 18. After reading these standing cases, do you feel you could identify which standing requirements have a constitutional basis and which are prudential requirements that Congress is free to change? 19. The four dissenting justices in Lyons v Los Angeles contended: "Under the view expressed by the majority today, if the police adopt a policy of "shoot to kill," or a policy of shooting 1 out of 10 suspects, the federal courts will be powerless to enjoin its continuation." Are they right? Would anyone have standing to challenge such a policy? 20. Who has the better argument on the question of when a Court should find a decision below is supported by "independent and adequate state grounds"--Justice O'Connor in her opinion for the Court in Michigan v Long, or Justice Stevens in his dissent? Why? 21. A generous view of what constitutes an independent and adequate state ground would have the effect of turning more power back to states. Why, then, do the conservatives on the Court support the narrow view and the liberals on the Court the more generous view as to what is an independent and adequate state ground? 22. Justice Powell (in a speech to my law school class) argued that it was a good thing for the country to postpone a decision on the constitutionality of affirmative action programs. Could that belief, more than the doctrine of mootness, explain the Court's decision in DeFunis v Odegaard? 23. The question of ripeness and adversity presented in a case such as Poe v Ullman is especially difficult. Does the Court make sufficiently clear exactly what is required before a case seeking to enjoin enforcement of a statute in advance of enforcement will be heard? Is it clear whether the basis for the decision in Poe is Article III or the Court's own gatekeeping rules? 24. If the challenge to the Arkansas anti-evolution law (Epperson v Arkansas) had been brought by a professor at the University of Arkansas instead of by a high school biology professor, would the case then suffer from the "double contingency" identified as the problem in Poe? 25. Which of the following reasons seem to justify dismissal of a case as "a political question": (1) textual commitment of a decision to another branch, (2) presentation of an issue so momentous that to decide it threatens the Court as an institution, (3) presentation of an issue that cannot be decided by "judicial reasoning," (4) the unavailabilty of effective judicial means of redressing a legal violation if one is found, (5) the case raises serious issues of national security, (6) decision in the case would likely embarrass another branch of government, and (7) presentation of an issue that the court "can't get a handle on"? Which of the above are the strongest reasons for dismissing a case? 26. Have Justice Frankfurter's concerns about the courts involving themselves in matters of legislative reapportionment proven well-founded? 27. How would our state politics be different today if Baker v Carr had come out the other way? Would, for example, the Tennessee legislature still be badly apportioned if the courts had not intervened? 28. If the Senate were to convict a federal judge (or the President) after a "trial" in which the impeached official was denied any opportunity to present evidence, would the Court still refuse to review the action on the ground that it was a political question? |